Don't Lie to MeMichigan's 4th District in Congress, on the record
Dashboard

The Four-Part Test

We evaluate the record through four questions: whether congressional activity addresses documented MI-4 needs, whether the policies are durable, whether Congress's institutional responsibilities are exercised consistently, and whether consequential decisions are explained to constituents. The dashboard summarizes the evidence; it does not assign a political grade.

Published Sept. 25, 2026 · Last reviewed Sept. 25, 2026 · Updated Oct. 31, 2026 · Corrections log

How to read it. Each test gets three indicators. Evidence says how complete the underlying record is: Substantial, Developing, or Limited. Record describes the pattern in that evidence: Consistent, Mixed, Tension Identified, or Insufficient Evidence. Trend says whether recent evidence has changed the picture. None of these is a grade. "Substantial" means the site has enough material to characterize the record responsibly, not that the record is favorable or unfavorable. A consistent record can match or conflict with your own policy views, and the dashboard doesn't decide that for you. No overall score is calculated. The full definitions are on the Methodology page, and the questions the evidence doesn't yet answer are in the Open Questions register.

Representation

District Relevance

Is the member's work directed toward documented needs and interests of Michigan's 4th Congressional District?

Evidence
DevelopingRelevant evidence exists, but important categories, periods, comparisons, or data remain incomplete.
Record
MixedMaterial evidence supports materially different interpretations or shows differing patterns.
Trend
New evidence complicatingRecent evidence introduces meaningful counterevidence or makes the existing characterization less straightforward.

The record shows both district-specific work, some of it enacted and some of it advocacy for district assets such as the Palisades nuclear plant, and a legislative portfolio centered on national financial and foreign policy. Evidence is Developing because the Sept. 25, 2026 review found enacted district provisions the site hadn't documented, district-level effects of tariffs and Medicaid changes aren't measurable yet, Palisades hasn't produced power, and the Great Lakes record hasn't been reviewed.

Trend: Compared with the topic pages as first published (Sept. 23–24, 2026): the Sept. 25 review found enacted district-specific provisions (Battle Creek's runway, Army Corps studies for Kalamazoo, Holland, and St. Joseph) and 2023–24 legislative-effectiveness data those pages didn't include, and the Oct. 8 energy analysis added his Palisades advocacy. Both add district-directed work to a record the earlier pages described mainly through national legislation. Most of his legislation that advances still has no MI-4-specific provision, so the record remains Mixed.

Evidence supporting the test

  • His Runway Integrity and Military Readiness Act, which bars the Transportation Department from requiring an airport that supports an Air Force or Air National Guard base to shorten its runway as a condition of federal funding, became law as section 752 of the 2024 FAA reauthorization (P.L. 118-63). His office says it protects Battle Creek Executive Airport's 10,002-foot runway. Source analysis
  • The Water Resources Development Act of 2024 (P.L. 118-272) authorizes Army Corps studies of Kalamazoo River watershed flooding and ecosystem restoration and of deepening Holland and St. Joseph harbors, priorities his office says he advocated. Source analysis
  • The FY2024 defense authorization, which he voted for, authorized $24.5 million for a Naval Reserve Center facility in Battle Creek, and he has repeatedly pressed for Army Corps dredging funds for Holland, Saugatuck, St. Joseph, and South Haven. Source analysis
  • For 2023–24, the Center for Effective Lawmaking's main measure rated his lawmaking as exceeding the benchmark for members of his seniority, party, and committee roles. Ten of his bills received committee action, against medians of four for comparable Republicans and one for comparable Democrats (members in their 6th–8th terms, excluding chairs and party leaders). Source analysis
  • Since 2023 he has pressed for federal support to restart the Palisades nuclear plant in Covert Township. He led a bipartisan December 2023 letter urging action on owner Holtec's federal loan application and issued statements as financing was announced under both administrations. His role was letters and public advocacy, not legislation: the Energy Department made the financing decisions, including a loan guarantee of up to $1.52 billion. The plant hadn't produced power as of the NRC's Oct. 21, 2026 status report, so its effect on district costs and jobs can't be measured yet. Source analysis
  • His bill strengthening USDA's Tree Assistance Program for orchard and nursery growers (H.R. 8251) passed the House in revised form as section 1002 of the 2026 farm bill (H.R. 7567, Apr. 30, 2026), which is pending in the Senate. His manufacturing-workforce exchange bill (H.R. 9097) hasn't advanced. Source analysis

Evidence creating tension or counterevidence

  • Most of the legislation he has written or helped advance concerns national financial-services and foreign-affairs policy with no MI-4-specific provision, such as the GENIUS and CLARITY Acts (GENIUS was a Senate bill) and the AUKUS and Iran-sanctions bills. Source analysis
  • Canada is Michigan's largest export market. He voted against ending the emergency behind the 2025 Canada tariffs (H.J.Res. 72) and for four rules that blocked earlier termination votes. District-level effects of the tariffs haven't been measured. Source analysis
  • In a district where about 147,000 residents have Medicaid or other means-tested coverage and about 60,000 under 65 buy their own insurance, he voted for H.R. 1's Medicaid changes and against extending the enhanced Marketplace credits. Source analysis
  • Few of his bills become law on their own. His enacted measures mostly became law as provisions of larger bills. Source analysis

Open questions

Explore the evidence: MI-4 District Baseline · Legislative Effectiveness · Active Representation · Committee & Legislative Record · H.R. 1 in MI-4 · Trade & Manufacturing · Agriculture · Energy & Electric Bills

Long-Term Durability

Are the policies economically, fiscally, and institutionally sustainable beyond their immediate political or policy benefits?

Evidence
SubstantialEnough primary-source and corroborating evidence exists to support a meaningful assessment.
Record
Tension IdentifiedA documented conflict exists between stated principles, different actions, policy objectives, or consequences that warrants examination.
Trend
UnchangedRecent evidence does not materially alter the existing characterization.

CBO and Trustees estimates make the fiscal record well documented. It shows a sustained stated commitment to long-term fiscal planning alongside votes for laws that CBO estimates add trillions to deficits. The energy record pairs support for restarting a nuclear plant licensed through 2031 with support for keeping a coal plant running under emergency orders whose cost recovery and legal footing are unresolved.

Trend: Compared with the Sept. 25, 2026 review: the Oct. 8 energy analysis adds evidence on both sides (the Palisades restart and the Ratepayer Protection Act on one; the Campbell orders' costs, Palisades' delays, and H.R. 1's energy-credit terminations on the other) without changing the pattern. At the Sept. 25 review, evidence added since the fiscal pages were first published (the 3% Resolution, the No Budget, No Pay Act, his August 2026 statement on the debt, and his newsletter explanation of the Social Security Fairness Act vote) had likewise fallen on both sides.

Evidence supporting the test

  • Lead sponsor, with Rep. Scott Peters (D-Calif.), of the bipartisan Fiscal Commission Act. The House Budget Committee approved it 22–12 in January 2024 (H.R. 5779). It was reintroduced as H.R. 3289 in 2025. Source analysis
  • Sponsored the bipartisan 3% Resolution (H.Res. 981, 2026), which sets a deficit target of 3% of GDP, and joined Rep. Peters in introducing the No Budget, No Pay Act (2025). Source analysis
  • Voted for the 2023 Fiscal Responsibility Act, which CBO estimated would reduce deficits by $1.5 trillion. Source analysis
  • Voted against extending the enhanced ACA credits (CBO: $80.6 billion in added deficits) and for an alternative CBO estimated would reduce deficits by $35.6 billion. Source analysis
  • Has backed the Palisades restart under two administrations. The plant's NRC operating license runs through March 24, 2031, and DOE has also selected the site for up to $400 million in cost-shared funding toward two small modular reactors. Source analysis
  • Voted for the Ratepayer Protection Act (H.R. 9340), which passed the House 417–3 on Sept. 16, 2026. It requires state utility regulators to consider making data centers with 100 megawatts or more of demand pay the full cost of the grid upgrades needed to serve them. Source analysis

Evidence creating tension or counterevidence

  • Voted for H.R. 1, which CBO estimates adds $4.1 trillion to deficits over 2025–2034 including interest, and in 2017 for the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act. Source analysis
  • Voted for the unpaid-for Social Security Fairness Act, which CBO estimated moves trust-fund exhaustion about half a year earlier. His explanation gives a fairness rationale and doesn't address solvency. Source analysis
  • No stand-alone Huizenga proposal to restore Social Security or Medicare solvency was found, and the Fiscal Commission Act hasn't had a floor vote in either Congress. Source analysis
  • CBO projects that H.R. 1's health provisions increase the uninsured population by 10.0 million in 2034. Source analysis
  • He supports keeping the Campbell coal plant running under DOE's emergency orders. Consumers Energy's parent company reports a $303 million net cost of complying with them from May 23, 2025 through Sept. 30, 2026, after market revenue. That is a company-reported cost, not an approved recovery amount: as of the company's Oct. 27, 2026 filing, FERC had approved spreading the costs across MISO's North and Central regions but hadn't approved MISO's tariff changes or the amounts. Source analysis
  • Palisades' restart isn't complete. Fuel loading that began Aug. 30, 2026 was paused after a fuel assembly tilted in the reactor vessel, no new restart date had been announced as of the Oct. 8 review, and the NRC reported the plant at 0% power through Oct. 21, 2026. Source analysis
  • H.R. 1, which he voted for, ended household credits for home efficiency upgrades and rooftop solar after 2025, and wind and solar projects that start construction after July 4, 2026 lose the clean-electricity credit if placed in service after 2027. His statement on the law doesn't address those terminations. Source analysis

Open questions

Explore the evidence: Fiscal Responsibility · Entitlement Durability · Healthcare & Coverage · H.R. 1 in MI-4 · Energy & Electric Bills

Institutional Performance

Congressional Responsibility

Does the member exercise and defend Congress's constitutional and statutory responsibilities consistently, including when doing so may constrain a president of his own party?

Evidence
SubstantialEnough primary-source and corroborating evidence exists to support a meaningful assessment.
Record
MixedMaterial evidence supports materially different interpretations or shows differing patterns.
Trend
UnchangedRecent evidence does not materially alter the existing characterization.

House Clerk votes from 2011 through 2026, plus his oversight record, document positions that hold across administrations and others that changed with the party in the White House. This dashboard doesn't infer motive from those differences.

Trend: Compared with the Sept. 25, 2026 review: the Oct. 8 energy analysis adds DOE's use of its section 202(c) emergency power to keep the Campbell plant running, and the D.C. Circuit's Sept. 11, 2026 ruling that the first order exceeded that power. He supports keeping the plant open. The sources reviewed didn't identify a position from him on whether the power should be used this way, so it is listed as an open question, not counted as evidence either way. At the Sept. 25 review, his Mar. 4, 2026 floor statement had added his rationale for the first Iran vote, and later 2026 war-powers and tariff votes had followed the existing pattern.

Evidence supporting the test

  • As a Financial Services oversight subcommittee chairman in 2023–24, he questioned regulators after Silicon Valley Bank's collapse, pressed the SEC for documents, and questioned Treasury on CFIUS. He also voted to hold Attorney General Garland in contempt, explaining that Congress has "the constitutional responsibility and authority to conduct oversight of the Executive Branch." Source analysis
  • In 2018 he voted to insist that his own party's Justice Department comply with House Intelligence Committee subpoenas. Source analysis
  • Some positions hold across parties: rescissions only with a congressional vote, the REINS Act, and trade authority delegated to presidents of both parties. Source analysis
  • On the House floor on Mar. 4, 2026, he explained his vote against the first Iran war-powers resolution. He acknowledged the dispute over its legality and cited the administration's notification and briefing of Congress. Source analysis

Evidence creating tension or counterevidence

  • In 2011, under President Obama, he voted to direct removal of U.S. forces from Libya and to limit the operation's funding. Since 2019 he has voted against every war-powers removal resolution this site tracks, including six on Iran in 2026. Source analysis
  • He voted against ending the Canada tariff emergency (H.J.Res. 72) and for four 2025 rules that blocked expedited votes on it. No explanation of those votes was located. Source analysis
  • In 2019 he opposed Democratic-majority subpoena enforcement and contempt actions against the same administration whose Justice Department he had pressed in 2018. Source analysis
  • No subpoena, document demand, or contempt effort by him directed at the current administration has been found. Source analysis

Open questions

Explore the evidence: Congressional Responsibility · Voting Record · Trade & Manufacturing · Alliances & Trade · Energy & Electric Bills

Public Accountability

Does the member explain consequential votes, policy positions, and uses of congressional authority to the people he represents, including the reasoning, tradeoffs, and consequences involved?

Evidence
DevelopingRelevant evidence exists, but important categories, periods, comparisons, or data remain incomplete.
Record
MixedMaterial evidence supports materially different interpretations or shows differing patterns.
Trend
Not enough historyLongitudinal evidence is insufficient.

In a rule-based sample of 37 consequential decisions, substantive explanations exist for many 2023–24 decisions, but none was located for most 2025–26 decisions. Evidence is Developing because social media, full interview recordings, and newsletters after September 2025 weren't available for review.

Trend: The Sept. 25, 2026 review was the first under this test, so there's no earlier review to compare against.

Evidence supporting the test

  • Substantive explanations were located for 14 of the 37 sampled decisions. They include votes that cut against positions this site's analysis emphasizes: his 2024 vote against Ukraine aid, the 2023 debt-limit agreement, FY2024 appropriations, the Garland contempt vote, and the first 2026 Iran war-powers vote. Source analysis
  • Several explanations acknowledge tradeoffs directly. For example, he called the 2023 debt-limit law a bill that "does not include everything I would have liked," and named the narrower Ukraine amendment he voted for instead. Source analysis
  • He held telephone town halls in 2023 and 2025 and spoke for about 45 minutes with protesters outside his Holland office in April 2025. Source analysis

Evidence creating tension or counterevidence

  • No public explanation was located for 17 sampled decisions, 12 of them from 2025–26. They include the Canada tariff emergency votes, the FY2026 appropriations law, three healthcare votes, the Ukraine Support Act, and the Venezuela and Lebanon war-powers votes. Source analysis
  • Six explanations are partial, including H.R. 1 (CBO's deficit and coverage estimates aren't addressed) and the Social Security Fairness Act (solvency isn't addressed). Source analysis
  • Constituents have publicly asked for in-person town halls. He has held telephone events, which he has defended as a way to reach more people at once. Source analysis

Open questions

Explore the evidence: Public Accountability · Methodology: Public Accountability

Sources last reviewed Sept. 25, 2026 · Last material update Oct. 31, 2026. A characterization changes only when new evidence materially alters the record, and every change is logged in the Corrections & material updates log.